Romanian Journal of History and International Studies <p>The<em><strong>&nbsp;Romanian</strong></em><em><strong>&nbsp;Journal of History and International Studies&nbsp;</strong></em>aims to reach students, professors, and researchers who wish to deepen their understanding on the topics the journal approaches. One of the primary objectives of the journal is to stimulate research initiatives in Romanian academia and to promote interaction among social science disciplines. The Romanian Journal of History and International Studies aims to act as a scientific platform for dialogue and interdisciplinary research in order to support and promote academic debate in the field of social sciences.</p> <p>Using an interdisciplinary and transversal approach, RJHIS&nbsp;<strong>aims</strong>&nbsp;to provide a forum for academic debate within the field of history and its related&nbsp;disciplines. Our objective is to encourage academics in engaging more fully with subjects explaining issues concerning not only the past but the present. By doing so RJHIS&nbsp;aims to promote both new subjects of History and innovative ways of addressing its knowledge.</p> <p>RJHIS invites students, early-career researchers, and professionals to submit papers for its forthcoming issues. RJHIS welcomes articles and book reviews from a broad range of disciplines, including international history, international law, diplomacy, theory of international relations, European studies, world economy, among others.</p> <p>The Romanian Journal of History and International Studies is&nbsp;<strong>biannually published</strong>&nbsp;by the&nbsp;<a href=""><strong>Literati Association</strong></a>, in collaboration with the&nbsp;<strong>Center for Euro-Atlantic Studies and the&nbsp;<a href="">Department of International Relations and World History at the Faculty of History, University of Bucharest.</a></strong></p> en-US (Alin-Victor Matei) (Victor Popa) Fri, 15 Dec 2017 00:00:00 +0200 OJS 60 Propaganda and Media Manipulation in AKP’s Turkey <p><em>Ever since the beginning of its first term in 2002, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) has been influencing the media in order to curtail and circumvent independent journalism in Turkey. This repression on media freedom in the last fifteen years indicates democratic regression in Turkey. A free press is vital to any democracy, allowing for constructive public debate while also holding government accountable. Nonetheless, rather than establishing a secure and independent space for the press, the government has formed an environment that is contentious and even threatening for journalists to report opposing views. In addition, the unruly government proceedings toward news media have primarily been led by Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, now the President of Turkey, establishing an intimidating, powerful media autocracy. This article explores Turkey’s current state of declining freedoms of the press as the government has employed different strategies to suppress the media’s role in Turkey, including approaches of controlling media monopolies, alongside the incarceration, intimidation and dismissing of journalists. It also provides an illustration of the government’s media surveillance through different backgrounds and occasions, confirming not only its obstinacy of government criticism, but also its apprehension of the media’s power to induce anti-AKP sentiments.</em></p> Cezarina Chirica ##submission.copyrightStatement## Fri, 28 Sep 2018 05:04:50 +0300 The Writers’ Role in the British Propaganda Campaign During the First World War <p><em>During the First World War, Britain initiated and used the greatest propaganda campaign the world had ever seen. The British strategy was so effective that Adolf Hitler and Joseph Goebbels reportedly modeled the Nazi propaganda machine on the influential British prototype. The British propaganda during the Great War was a unique phenomenon in secretly using well known imaginative writers and intellectuals who wrote under their own names but published through commercial and university presses that were subsidized by the government.</em> <em>The writers’ involvement in the war effort poses a number of questions concerning their previous and later writing or the extent to which they were influenced by what they wrote during the War. Even if modernism, that was emerging at the beginning of the 20<sup>th</sup> century, could not be envisaged dealing with propaganda, the new information matrix made that possible as they were seen as two facets of the same coin represented by modernity. Also, focusing and analyzing further the writers ‘propaganda activity could bring additional insight not only into the literature of the First World War, but also into the broader cultural and intellectual environment of the war.</em></p> Mihaela David ##submission.copyrightStatement## Mon, 18 Dec 2017 00:00:00 +0200 The Image of Psychoanalysis in Romanian Communist Propaganda <p><em>In 1932, a conference dedicated to Sigmund Freud was banned by the Romanian authorities, because they wanted to avoid “communist propaganda”. Twenty years later, psychoanalysis was once again officially banned, this time by the communist authorities. Because it was considered a bourgeois and a reactionary science, psychoanalysis could not be tolerated by the new regime. More than that, the psychoanalytical practice involved many risks for both psychoanalyst and patient. Not only the practice, but also the publication of works in this field was strictly forbidden. Especially in the first ten years after World War II, psychoanalysis was criticised in various books, articles and even in the press. Therefore, the progresses made by the Romanian physicians in the interwar period ceased and the most important accomplishments in this area were overshadowed by those of the communist scientists.</em></p> Iulia Petrin ##submission.copyrightStatement## Mon, 18 Dec 2017 00:00:00 +0200 “Miss Europe” and “Miss Romania” 1929 <p><em>This article aims to expose the connections between feminine beauty, nationalism, and political propaganda that have characterized modern beauty pageants since their creation in the 1920s. By surveying the ways in which gender and national identity were socially and culturally constructed through the “Miss Europe” and “Miss Romania” competitions, it will be argued that beauty pageants played an important role in affirming national unity, cohesion, and solidarity as well as in bringing diplomatic tensions to the fore of Romanian public debates. These debates were triggered in February 1929 when the first title of the most beautiful woman in Europe was awarded to “Miss Hungary”. The Romanian weekly magazine “Realitatea Ilustrată” [“Illustrated Reality”], one of the most read publications in the 1920s and 1930s, covered this news extensively, investing the European competition with a patriotic meaning and seeing it as the battleground for a symbolic encounter between the Romanian and Hungarian nations. Thus, the European pageant translated political, ethnical, and propagandistic discourses in terms of feminine beauty and identity. </em></p> Vlad Mihăilă ##submission.copyrightStatement## Fri, 15 Dec 2017 00:00:00 +0200 The German Propaganda System as a War Tool <p><em>World War I press can be approached from several points of view: journalistic discourse, military censorship analysis, internal and external propaganda and so on. The forms of propaganda were diverse, such as unofficial channels, newspapers, speeches, movies, photos, posters, books, pamphlets, periodicals and even cartoons (used for the first time by the British). The study proposes an analysis of the German propaganda employed by newspapers regarding Romania’s declaration of war in 1916. Germany was the only country to consider propaganda as a tool of war even before 1914. At the beginning of the world conflict, a semi-official network disseminating information favorable to the country in other states already existed in Germany and the role of propaganda consisted in raising the morale of the population during the war. The National News Agency and the Wolff Telegraph Bureau (WTB) were financed and controlled by the state. </em></p> Claudiu Sachelarie ##submission.copyrightStatement## Tue, 19 Dec 2017 00:00:00 +0200 Eugeniu Carada: The Dynamic of Perceptions Across Time <p><em>Very often we see that our perceptions about a specific time or a specific person may be altered by bias, ideology or simply by misunderstanding facts. Based on the information preserved in the press and in memoirs, we will try to follow how the representations of various generations concerning a character – Eugeniu Carada, in this case – transited from passionate criticism to adulation and praises. This article argues in favour of accepting that our ways of understanding the past and the sense of the past are often tributary to either a rhetoric that is propagandistic (intentionally or not), or to legitimization exercises, or even to the temptation of leaving behind a certain image for posterity.</em></p> Ștefan Bîrsan ##submission.copyrightStatement## Fri, 28 Sep 2018 06:57:21 +0300 Propaganda in Favour of Humanitarian Interventions as War Propaganda <p><em>Although the UN Charter (mostly) prohibits the use of force or the threat of force against the territorial integrity and political independence of a state, recent theoretical developments in the field of international relations, such as the emergence of the concept of responsibility to protect (R2P), draw attention to the atrocities committed against populations by their own states and represent a gateway to the justification of international interventions on humanitarian grounds. The legitimacy of such cases is hotly disputed, these operations oftentimes being compared to wars of aggression. This article aims to highlight how the propaganda in favour of the 1999 NATO bombing of Yugoslavia exhibits certain features similar to those of war propaganda and whether sharing the same toolkit constitutes sufficient grounds for qualifying as war propaganda.</em></p> Beatrice Cretu ##submission.copyrightStatement## Wed, 20 Dec 2017 00:00:00 +0200